THE CENTURY AHEAD
It's the Demography, Stupid
The real reason the West is in danger of extinction.
BY MARK STEYN
Wednesday, January 4, 2006 12:01 a.m. EST
Most people reading
this have strong stomachs, so let me lay it out as baldly as I can:
Much of what we loosely call the Western world will not survive this
century, and much of it will effectively disappear within our
lifetimes, including many if not most Western European countries.
There'll probably still be a geographical area on the map marked as
Italy or the Netherlands--probably--just as in Istanbul there's
still a building called St. Sophia's Cathedral. But it's not a
cathedral; it's merely a designation for a piece of real estate.
Likewise, Italy and the Netherlands will merely be designations for
real estate. The challenge for those who reckon Western civilization is
on balance better than the alternatives is to figure out a way to save
at least some parts of the West.
One obstacle to doing that is
that, in the typical election campaign in your advanced industrial
democracy, the political platforms of at least one party in the United
States and pretty much all parties in the rest of the West are largely
about what one would call the secondary impulses of society--government
health care, government day care (which Canada's thinking of
introducing), government paternity leave (which Britain's just
introduced). We've prioritized the secondary impulse over the primary
ones: national defense, family, faith and, most basic of all,
reproductive activity--"Go forth and multiply," because if you don't
you won't be able to afford all those secondary-impulse issues, like
cradle-to-grave welfare.
Americans sometimes don't
understand how far gone most of the rest of the developed world is down
this path: In the Canadian and most Continental cabinets, the defense
ministry is somewhere an ambitious politician passes through on his way
up to important jobs like the health department. I don't think Don
Rumsfeld would regard it as a promotion if he were moved to Health and
Human Services.

The design flaw of the secular
social-democratic state is that it requires a religious-society
birthrate to sustain it. Post-Christian hyperrationalism is, in the
objective sense, a lot less rational than Catholicism or Mormonism.
Indeed, in its reliance on immigration to ensure its future, the
European Union has adopted a 21st-century variation on the strategy of
the Shakers, who were forbidden from reproducing and thus could
increase their numbers only by conversion. The problem is that
secondary-impulse societies mistake their weaknesses for strengths--or,
at any rate, virtues--and that's why they're proving so feeble at
dealing with a primal force like Islam.
Speaking of which, if we are at
war--and half the American people and significantly higher percentages
in Britain, Canada and Europe don't accept that proposition--then what
exactly is the war about?
We know it's not really a "war on
terror." Nor is it, at heart, a war against Islam, or even "radical
Islam." The Muslim faith, whatever its merits for the believers, is a
problematic business for the rest of us. There are many trouble spots
around the world, but as a general rule, it's easy to make an educated
guess at one of the participants: Muslims vs. Jews in "Palestine,"
Muslims vs. Hindus in Kashmir, Muslims vs. Christians in Africa,
Muslims vs. Buddhists in Thailand, Muslims vs. Russians in the
Caucasus, Muslims vs. backpacking tourists in Bali. Like the
environmentalists, these guys think globally but act locally.
Yet while Islamism is the enemy,
it's not what this thing's about. Radical Islam is an opportunistic
infection, like AIDS: It's not the HIV that kills you, it's the
pneumonia you get when your body's too weak to fight it off. When the
jihadists engage with the U.S. military, they lose--as they did in
Afghanistan and Iraq. If this were like World War I with those fellows
in one trench and us in ours facing them over some boggy piece of
terrain, it would be over very quickly. Which the smarter Islamists
have figured out. They know they can never win on the battlefield, but
they figure there's an excellent chance they can drag things out until
Western civilization collapses in on itself and Islam inherits by
default.

That's what the war's about: our
lack of civilizational confidence. As a famous Arnold Toynbee quote
puts it: "Civilizations die from suicide, not murder"--as can be seen
throughout much of "the Western world" right now. The progressive
agenda--lavish social welfare, abortion, secularism,
multiculturalism--is collectively the real suicide bomb. Take
multiculturalism. The great thing about multiculturalism is that it
doesn't involve knowing anything about other cultures--the capital of
Bhutan, the principal exports of Malawi, who cares? All it requires is
feeling good about other cultures. It's fundamentally a fraud, and I
would argue was subliminally accepted on that basis. Most adherents to
the idea that all cultures are equal don't want to live in anything but
an advanced Western society. Multiculturalism means your kid has to
learn some wretched native dirge for the school holiday concert instead
of getting to sing "Rudolph the Red-Nosed Reindeer" or that your
holistic masseuse uses techniques developed from Native American
spirituality, but not that you or anyone you care about should have to
live in an African or Native American society. It's a quintessential
piece of progressive humbug.
Then September 11 happened. And
bizarrely the reaction of just about every prominent Western leader was
to visit a mosque: President Bush did, the prince of Wales did, the
prime minister of the United Kingdom did, the prime minister of Canada
did . . . The premier of Ontario didn't, and so 20 Muslim community
leaders had a big summit to denounce him for failing to visit a mosque.
I don't know why he didn't. Maybe there was a big backlog, it was
mosque drive time, prime ministers in gridlock up and down the freeway
trying to get to the Sword of the Infidel-Slayer Mosque on Elm Street.
But for whatever reason he couldn't fit it into his hectic schedule.
Ontario's citizenship minister did show up at a mosque, but the imams
took that as a great insult, like the Queen sending Fergie to open the
Commonwealth Games. So the premier of Ontario had to hold a big meeting
with the aggrieved imams to apologize for not going to a mosque and, as
the Toronto Star's reported it, "to provide them with reassurance that
the provincial government does not see them as the enemy."
Anyway, the
get-me-to-the-mosque-on-time fever died down, but it set the tone for
our general approach to these atrocities. The old definition of a
nanosecond was the gap between the traffic light changing in New York
and the first honk from a car behind. The new definition is the gap
between a terrorist bombing and the press release from an Islamic lobby
group warning of a backlash against Muslims. In most circumstances, it
would be considered appallingly bad taste to deflect attention from an
actual "hate crime" by scaremongering about a purely hypothetical one.
Needless to say, there is no campaign of Islamophobic hate crimes. If
anything, the West is awash in an epidemic of self-hate crimes. A
commenter on Tim Blair's Web site in Australia summed it up in a
note-perfect parody of a Guardian headline: "Muslim Community Leaders
Warn of Backlash from Tomorrow Morning's Terrorist Attack." Those
community leaders have the measure of us.
Radical Islam is what
multiculturalism has been waiting for all along. In "The Survival of
Culture," I quoted the eminent British barrister Helena Kennedy,
Queen's Counsel. Shortly after September 11, Baroness Kennedy argued on
a BBC show that it was too easy to disparage "Islamic fundamentalists."
"We as Western liberals too often are fundamentalist ourselves," she
complained. "We don't look at our own fundamentalisms."
Well, said the interviewer, what
exactly would those Western liberal fundamentalisms be? "One of the
things that we are too ready to insist upon is that we are the tolerant
people and that the intolerance is something that belongs to other
countries like Islam. And I'm not sure that's true."
Hmm. Lady Kennedy was arguing that
our tolerance of our own tolerance is making us intolerant of other
people's intolerance, which is intolerable. And, unlikely as it sounds,
this has now become the highest, most rarefied form of
multiculturalism. So you're nice to gays and the Inuit? Big deal.
Anyone can be tolerant of fellows like that, but tolerance of
intolerance gives an even more intense frisson of pleasure to
the multiculti masochists. In other words, just as the AIDS pandemic
greatly facilitated societal surrender to the gay agenda, so 9/11 is
greatly facilitating our surrender to the most extreme aspects of the
multicultural agenda.
For example, one day in 2004, a
couple of Canadians returned home, to Lester B. Pearson International
Airport in Toronto. They were the son and widow of a fellow called
Ahmed Said Khadr, who back on the Pakistani-Afghan frontier was known
as "al-Kanadi." Why? Because he was the highest-ranking Canadian in al
Qaeda--plenty of other Canucks in al Qaeda, but he was the Numero Uno.
In fact, one could argue that the Khadr family is Canada's principal
contribution to the war on terror. Granted they're on the wrong side
(if you'll forgive my being judgmental) but no one can argue that they
aren't in the thick of things. One of Mr. Khadr's sons was captured in
Afghanistan after killing a U.S. Special Forces medic. Another was
captured and held at Guantanamo. A third blew himself up while killing
a Canadian soldier in Kabul. Pa Khadr himself died in an al Qaeda
shootout with Pakistani forces in early 2004. And they say we Canadians
aren't doing our bit in this war!
In the course of the fatal
shootout of al-Kanadi, his youngest son was paralyzed. And, not
unreasonably, Junior didn't fancy a prison hospital in Peshawar. So
Mrs. Khadr and her boy returned to Toronto so he could enjoy the
benefits of Ontario government health care. "I'm Canadian, and I'm not
begging for my rights," declared the widow Khadr. "I'm demanding my
rights."

As they always say, treason's hard
to prove in court, but given the circumstances of Mr. Khadr's death it
seems clear that not only was he providing "aid and comfort to the
Queen's enemies" but that he was, in fact, the Queen's enemy. The
Princess Patricia's Canadian Light Infantry, the Royal 22nd Regiment
and other Canucks have been participating in Afghanistan, on one side
of the conflict, and the Khadr family had been over there participating
on the other side. Nonetheless, the prime minister of Canada thought
Boy Khadr's claims on the public health system was an excellent
opportunity to demonstrate his own deep personal commitment to
"diversity." Asked about the Khadrs' return to Toronto, he said, "I
believe that once you are a Canadian citizen, you have the right to
your own views and to disagree."
That's the wonderful thing about
multiculturalism: You can choose which side of the war you want to
fight on. When the draft card arrives, just tick "home team" or
"enemy," according to taste. The Canadian prime minister is a typical
late-stage Western politician: He could have said, well, these are
contemptible people and I know many of us are disgusted at the idea of
our tax dollars being used to provide health care for a man whose
Canadian citizenship is no more than a flag of convenience, but
unfortunately that's the law and, while we can try to tighten it, it
looks like this lowlife's got away with it. Instead, his reflex
instinct was to proclaim this as a wholehearted demonstration of the
virtues of the multicultural state. Like many enlightened Western
leaders, the Canadian prime minister will be congratulating himself on
his boundless tolerance even as the forces of intolerance consume him.
That, by the way, is the one point
of similarity between the jihad and conventional terrorist movements
like the IRA or ETA. Terror groups persist because of a lack of
confidence on the part of their targets: The IRA, for example,
calculated correctly that the British had the capability to smash them
totally but not the will. So they knew that while they could never win
militarily, they also could never be defeated. The Islamists have
figured similarly. The only difference is that most terrorist wars are
highly localized. We now have the first truly global terrorist
insurgency because the Islamists view the whole world the way the IRA
view the bogs of Fermanagh: They want it, and they've calculated that
our entire civilization lacks the will to see them off.
We spend a lot of time at The New
Criterion attacking the elites, and we're right to do so. The
commanding heights of the culture have behaved disgracefully for the
last several decades. But if it were just a problem with the elites, it
wouldn't be that serious: The mob could rise up and hang 'em from
lampposts--a scenario that's not unlikely in certain Continental
countries. But the problem now goes way beyond the ruling
establishment. The annexation by government of most of the key
responsibilities of life--child-raising, taking care of your elderly
parents--has profoundly changed the relationship between the citizen
and the state. At some point--I would say socialized health care is a
good marker--you cross a line, and it's very hard then to persuade a
citizenry enjoying that much government largesse to cross back. In
National Review recently, I took issue with that line Gerald Ford
always uses to ingratiate himself with conservative audiences: "A
government big enough to give you everything you want is big enough to
take away everything you have." Actually, you run into trouble long
before that point: A government big enough to give you everything you
want still isn't big enough to get you to give anything back. That's
what the French and German political classes are discovering.

Go back to that list of local
conflicts I mentioned. The jihad has held out a long time against very
tough enemies. If you're not shy about taking on the Israelis, the
Russians, the Indians and the Nigerians, why wouldn't you fancy your
chances against the Belgians and Danes and New Zealanders?
So the jihadists are for the most
part doing no more than giving us a prod in the rear as we sleepwalk to
the cliff. When I say "sleepwalk," it's not because we're a blasé
culture. On the contrary, one of the clearest signs of our decline is
the way we expend so much energy worrying about the wrong things. If
you've read Jared Diamond's bestselling book "Collapse: How Societies
Choose to Fail or Succeed," you'll know it goes into a lot of detail
about Easter Island going belly up because they chopped down all their
trees. Apparently that's why they're not a G-8 member or on the U.N.
Security Council. Same with the Greenlanders and the Mayans and
Diamond's other curious choices of "societies." Indeed, as the author
sees it, pretty much every society collapses because it chops down its
trees.
Poor old Diamond can't see the
forest because of his obsession with the trees. (Russia's collapsing
even as it's undergoing reforestation.) One way "societies choose to
fail or succeed" is by choosing what to worry about. The Western world
has delivered more wealth and more comfort to more of its citizens than
any other civilization in history, and in return we've developed a
great cult of worrying. You know the classics of the genre: In 1968, in
his bestselling book "The Population Bomb," the eminent scientist Paul
Ehrlich declared: "In the 1970s the world will undergo
famines--hundreds of millions of people are going to starve to death."
In 1972, in their landmark study "The Limits to Growth," the Club of
Rome announced that the world would run out of gold by 1981, of mercury
by 1985, tin by 1987, zinc by 1990, petroleum by 1992, and copper, lead
and gas by 1993.

None of these things happened. In
fact, quite the opposite is happening. We're pretty much awash in
resources, but we're running out of people--the one truly indispensable
resource, without which none of the others matter. Russia's the most
obvious example: it's the largest country on earth, it's full of
natural resources, and yet it's dying--its population is falling
calamitously.
The default mode of our elites is
that anything that happens--from terrorism to tsunamis--can be
understood only as deriving from the perniciousness of Western
civilization. As Jean-Francois Revel wrote, "Clearly, a civilization
that feels guilty for everything it is and does will lack the energy
and conviction to defend itself."
And even though none of the
prognostications of the eco-doom blockbusters of the 1970s came to
pass, all that means is that 30 years on, the end of the world has to
be rescheduled. The amended estimated time of arrival is now 2032.
That's to say, in 2002, the United Nations Global Environmental Outlook
predicted "the destruction of 70 percent of the natural world in thirty
years, mass extinction of species. . . . More than half the world will
be afflicted by water shortages, with 95 percent of people in the
Middle East with severe problems . . . 25 percent of all species of
mammals and 10 percent of birds will be extinct . . ."
Etc., etc., for 450 pages. Or to
cut to the chase, as the Guardian headlined it, "Unless We Change Our
Ways, The World Faces Disaster."
Well, here's my prediction for
2032: unless we change our ways the world faces a future . . . where
the environment will look pretty darn good. If you're a tree or a rock,
you'll be living in clover. It's the Italians and the Swedes who'll be
facing extinction and the loss of their natural habitat.
There will be no environmental
doomsday. Oil, carbon dioxide emissions, deforestation: none of these
things is worth worrying about. What's worrying is that we spend so
much time worrying about things that aren't worth worrying about that
we don't worry about the things we should be worrying about. For 30
years, we've had endless wake-up calls for things that aren't worth
waking up for. But for the very real, remorseless shifts in our
society--the ones truly jeopardizing our future--we're sound asleep.
The world is changing dramatically right now, and hysterical experts
twitter about a hypothetical decrease in the Antarctic krill that might
conceivably possibly happen so far down the road there are unlikely to
be any Italian or Japanese enviro-worriers left alive to be devastated
by it.
In a globalized economy, the
environmentalists want us to worry about First World capitalism
imposing its ways on bucolic, pastoral, primitive Third World
backwaters. Yet, insofar as "globalization" is a threat, the real
danger is precisely the opposite--that the peculiarities of the
backwaters can leap instantly to the First World. Pigs are valued
assets and sleep in the living room in rural China--and next thing you
know an unknown respiratory disease is killing people in Toronto, just
because someone got on a plane. That's the way to look at Islamism: We
fret about McDonald's and Disney, but the big globalization success
story is the way the Saudis have taken what was 80 years ago a severe
but obscure and unimportant strain of Islam practiced by Bedouins of no
fixed abode and successfully exported it to the heart of Copenhagen,
Rotterdam, Manchester, Buffalo . . .

What's the better bet? A
globalization that exports cheeseburgers and pop songs or a
globalization that exports the fiercest aspects of its culture? When it
comes to forecasting the future, the birthrate is the nearest thing to
hard numbers. If only a million babies are born in 2006, it's hard to
have two million adults enter the workforce in 2026 (or 2033, or 2037,
or whenever they get around to finishing their Anger Management and
Queer Studies degrees). And the hard data on babies around the Western
world is that they're running out a lot faster than the oil is.
"Replacement" fertility rate--i.e., the number you need for merely a
stable population, not getting any bigger, not getting any smaller--is
2.1 babies per woman. Some countries are well above that: the global
fertility leader, Somalia, is 6.91, Niger 6.83, Afghanistan 6.78, Yemen
6.75. Notice what those nations have in common?
Scroll way down to the bottom of
the Hot One Hundred top breeders and you'll eventually find the United
States, hovering just at replacement rate with 2.07 births per woman.
Ireland is 1.87, New Zealand 1.79, Australia 1.76. But Canada's
fertility rate is down to 1.5, well below replacement rate; Germany and
Austria are at 1.3, the brink of the death spiral; Russia and Italy are
at 1.2; Spain 1.1, about half replacement rate. That's to say, Spain's
population is halving every generation. By 2050, Italy's population
will have fallen by 22%, Bulgaria's by 36%, Estonia's by 52%. In
America, demographic trends suggest that the blue states ought to apply
for honorary membership of the EU: In the 2004 election, John Kerry won
the 16 with the lowest birthrates; George W. Bush took 25 of the 26
states with the highest. By 2050, there will be 100 million fewer
Europeans, 100 million more Americans--and mostly red-state Americans.
As fertility shrivels, societies
get older--and Japan and much of Europe are set to get older than any
functioning societies have ever been. And we know what comes after old
age. These countries are going out of business--unless they can find
the will to change their ways. Is that likely? I don't think so. If you
look at European election results--most recently in Germany--it's hard
not to conclude that, while voters are unhappy with their political
establishments, they're unhappy mainly because they resent being asked
to reconsider their government benefits and, no matter how unaffordable
they may be a generation down the road, they have no intention of
seriously reconsidering them. The Scottish executive recently backed
down from a proposal to raise the retirement age of Scottish public
workers. It's presently 60, which is nice but unaffordable. But the
reaction of the average Scots worker is that that's somebody else's
problem. The average German worker now puts in 22% fewer hours per year
than his American counterpart, and no politician who wishes to remain
electorally viable will propose closing the gap in any meaningful way.
This isn't a deep-rooted cultural
difference between the Old World and the New. It dates back all the way
to, oh, the 1970s. If one wanted to allocate blame, one could argue
that it's a product of the U.S. military presence, the American
security guarantee that liberated European budgets: instead of having
to spend money on guns, they could concentrate on butter, and buttering
up the voters. If Washington's problem with Europe is that these are
not serious allies, well, whose fault is that? Who, in the years after
the Second World War, created NATO as a postmodern military alliance?
The "free world," as the Americans called it, was a free ride for
everyone else. And having been absolved from the primal
responsibilities of nationhood, it's hardly surprising that European
nations have little wish to reshoulder them. In essence, the lavish
levels of public health care on the Continent are subsidized by the
American taxpayer. And this long-term softening of large sections of
the West makes them ill-suited to resisting a primal force like Islam.
There is no "population bomb."
There never was. Birthrates are declining all over the
world--eventually every couple on the planet may decide to opt for the
Western yuppie model of one designer baby at the age of 39. But
demographics is a game of last man standing. The groups that succumb to
demographic apathy last will have a huge advantage. Even in 1968 Paul
Ehrlich and his ilk should have understood that their so-called
population explosion was really a massive population adjustment. Of the
increase in global population between 1970 and 2000, the developed
world accounted for under 9% of it, while the Muslim world accounted
for 26%. Between 1970 and 2000, the developed world declined from just
under 30% of the world's population to just over 20%, the Muslim
nations increased from about 15% to 20%.
Nineteen seventy doesn't seem that
long ago. If you're the age many of the chaps running the Western world
today are wont to be, your pants are narrower than they were back then
and your hair's less groovy, but the landscape of your life--the look
of your house, the layout of your car, the shape of your kitchen
appliances, the brand names of the stuff in the fridge--isn't
significantly different. Aside from the Internet and the cell phone and
the CD, everything in your world seems pretty much the same but
slightly modified.
And yet the world is utterly
altered. Just to recap those bald statistics: In 1970, the developed
world had twice as big a share of the global population as the Muslim
world: 30% to 15%. By 2000, they were the same: each had about 20%.
And by 2020?
So the world's people are a lot
more Islamic than they were back then and a lot less "Western." Europe
is significantly more Islamic, having taken in during that period some
20 million Muslims (officially)--or the equivalents of the populations
of four European Union countries (Ireland, Belgium, Denmark and
Estonia). Islam is the fastest-growing religion in the West: In the
U.K., more Muslims than Christians attend religious services each week.
Can these trends continue for
another 30 years without having consequences? Europe by the end of this
century will be a continent after the neutron bomb: The grand buildings
will still be standing, but the people who built them will be gone. We
are living through a remarkable period: the self-extinction of the
races who, for good or ill, shaped the modern world.

What will Europe be like at the
end of this process? Who knows? On the one hand, there's something to
be said for the notion that America will find an Islamified Europe more
straightforward to deal with than M. Chirac, Herr Schroeder & Co.
On the other hand, given Europe's track record, getting there could be
very bloody. But either way this is the real battlefield. The al Qaeda
nutters can never find enough suicidal pilots to fly enough planes into
enough skyscrapers to topple America. But unlike us, the Islamists
think long-term, and, given their demographic advantage in Europe and
the tone of the emerging Muslim lobby groups there, much of what
they're flying planes into buildings for they're likely to wind up with
just by waiting a few more years. The skyscrapers will be theirs; why
knock 'em over?
The latter half of the decline and
fall of great civilizations follows a familiar pattern: affluence,
softness, decadence, extinction. You don't notice yourself slipping
through those stages because usually there's a seductive pol on hand to
provide the age with a sly, self-deluding slogan--like Bill Clinton's
"It's about the future of all our children." We on the right spent the
1990s gleefully mocking Mr. Clinton's tedious invocation, drizzled like
syrup over everything from the Kosovo war to highway appropriations.
But most of the rest of the West can't even steal his lame bromides: A
society that has no children has no future.
Permanence is the illusion of
every age. In 1913, no one thought the Russian, Austrian, German and
Turkish empires would be gone within half a decade. Seventy years on,
all those fellows who dismissed Reagan as an "amiable dunce" (in Clark
Clifford's phrase) assured us the Soviet Union was likewise here to
stay. The CIA analysts' position was that East Germany was the ninth
biggest economic power in the world. In 1987 there was no rash of
experts predicting the imminent fall of the Berlin Wall, the Warsaw
Pact and the USSR itself.
Yet, even by the minimal standards
of these wretched precedents, so-called post-Christian
civilizations--as a prominent EU official described his continent to
me--are more prone than traditional societies to mistake the present
tense for a permanent feature. Religious cultures have a much greater
sense of both past and future, as we did a century ago, when we spoke
of death as joining "the great majority" in "the unseen world." But if
secularism's starting point is that this is all there is, it's no
surprise that, consciously or not, they invest the here and now with
far greater powers of endurance than it's ever had. The idea that
progressive Euro-welfarism is the permanent resting place of human
development was always foolish; we now know that it's suicidally so.
To avoid collapse, European
nations will need to take in immigrants at a rate no stable society has
ever attempted. The CIA is predicting the EU will collapse by 2020.
Given that the CIA's got pretty much everything wrong for half a
century, that would suggest the EU is a shoo-in to be the colossus of
the new millennium. But even a flop spook is right twice a generation.
If anything, the date of EU collapse is rather a cautious estimate. It
seems more likely that within the next couple of European election
cycles, the internal contradictions of the EU will manifest themselves
in the usual way, and that by 2010 we'll be watching burning buildings,
street riots and assassinations on American network news every night.
Even if they avoid that, the idea of a childless Europe ever rivaling
America militarily or economically is laughable. Sometime this century
there will be 500 million Americans, and what's left in Europe will
either be very old or very Muslim. Japan faces the same problem: Its
population is already in absolute decline, the first gentle slope of a
death spiral it will be unlikely ever to climb out of. Will Japan be an
economic powerhouse if it's populated by Koreans and Filipinos? Very
possibly. Will Germany if it's populated by Algerians? That's a
trickier proposition.
Best-case scenario? The Continent winds up as Vienna with Swedish tax rates.
Worst-case scenario: Sharia, circa 2040; semi-Sharia, a lot sooner--and we're already seeing a drift in that direction.
In July 2003, speaking to the U.S.
Congress, Tony Blair remarked: "As Britain knows, all predominant power
seems for a time invincible but, in fact, it is transient. The question
is: What do you leave behind?"

Excellent question. Britannia will
never again wield the unrivalled power she enjoyed at her imperial
apogee, but the Britannic inheritance endures, to one degree or
another, in many of the key regional players in the world
today--Australia, India, South Africa--and in dozens of island
statelets from the Caribbean to the Pacific. If China ever takes its
place as an advanced nation, it will be because the People's Republic
learns more from British Hong Kong than Hong Kong learns from the
Little Red Book. And of course the dominant power of our time derives
its political character from 18th-century British subjects who took
English ideas a little further than the mother country was willing to
go.
A decade and a half after victory
in the Cold War and end-of-history triumphalism, the "what do you leave
behind?" question is more urgent than most of us expected. "The West,"
as a concept, is dead, and the West, as a matter of demographic fact,
is dying.
What will London--or Paris, or
Amsterdam--be like in the mid-'30s? If European politicians make no
serious attempt this decade to wean the populace off their
unsustainable 35-hour weeks, retirement at 60, etc., then to keep the
present level of pensions and health benefits the EU will need to
import so many workers from North Africa and the Middle East that it
will be well on its way to majority Muslim by 2035. As things stand,
Muslims are already the primary source of population growth in English
cities. Can a society become increasingly Islamic in its demographic
character without becoming increasingly Islamic in its political
character?

This ought to be the left's issue.
I'm a conservative--I'm not entirely on board with the Islamist program
when it comes to beheading sodomites and so on, but I agree Britney
Spears dresses like a slut: I'm with Mullah Omar on that one. Why then,
if your big thing is feminism or abortion or gay marriage, are you so
certain that the cult of tolerance will prevail once the biggest
demographic in your society is cheerfully intolerant? Who, after all,
are going to be the first victims of the West's collapsed birthrates?
Even if one were to take the optimistic view that Europe will be able
to resist the creeping imposition of Sharia currently engulfing
Nigeria, it remains the case that the Muslim world is not notable for
setting much store by "a woman's right to choose," in any sense.
I watched that big abortion rally
in Washington in 2004, where Ashley Judd and Gloria Steinem were
cheered by women waving "Keep your Bush off my bush" placards, and I
thought it was the equivalent of a White Russian tea party in 1917. By
prioritizing a "woman's right to choose," Western women are delivering
their societies into the hands of fellows far more patriarchal than a
1950s sitcom dad. If any of those women marching for their
"reproductive rights" still have babies, they might like to ponder
demographic realities: A little girl born today will be unlikely, at
the age of 40, to be free to prance around demonstrations in Eurabian
Paris or Amsterdam chanting "Hands off my bush!"
Just before the 2004 election,
that eminent political analyst Cameron Diaz appeared on the Oprah
Winfrey show to explain what was at stake:
"Women have so much to lose. I
mean, we could lose the right to our bodies. . . . If you think that
rape should be legal, then don't vote. But if you think that you have a
right to your body," she advised Oprah's viewers, "then you should
vote."
Poor Cameron. A couple of weeks
later, the scary people won. She lost all rights to her body. Unlike
Alec Baldwin, she couldn't even move to France. Her body was grounded
in Terminal D.
But, after framing the 2004
presidential election as a referendum on the right to rape, Miss Diaz
might be interested to know that men enjoy that right under many
Islamic legal codes around the world. In his book "The Empty Cradle,"
Philip Longman asks: "So where will the children of the future come
from? Increasingly they will come from people who are at odds with the
modern world. Such a trend, if sustained, could drive human culture off
its current market-driven, individualistic, modernist course, gradually
creating an anti-market culture dominated by fundamentalism--a new Dark
Ages."
Bottom line for Cameron Diaz: There are worse things than John Ashcroft out there.
Mr. Longman's point is well taken.
The refined antennae of Western liberals mean that whenever one raises
the question of whether there will be any Italians living in the
geographical zone marked as Italy a generation or three hence, they
cry, "Racism!" To fret about what proportion of the population is
"white" is grotesque and inappropriate. But it's not about race, it's
about culture. If 100% of your population believes in liberal pluralist
democracy, it doesn't matter whether 70% of them are "white" or only 5%
are. But if one part of your population believes in liberal pluralist
democracy and the other doesn't, then it becomes a matter of great
importance whether the part that does is 90% of the population or only
60%, 50%, 45%.
Since the president unveiled the
so-called Bush Doctrine--the plan to promote liberty throughout the
Arab world--innumerable "progressives" have routinely asserted that
there's no evidence Muslims want liberty and, indeed, that Islam is
incompatible with democracy. If that's true, it's a problem not for the
Middle East today but for Europe the day after tomorrow. According to a
poll taken in 2004, over 60% of British Muslims want to live under
Shariah--in the United Kingdom. If a population "at odds with the
modern world" is the fastest-breeding group on the planet--if there are
more Muslim nations, more fundamentalist Muslims within those nations,
more and more Muslims within non-Muslim nations, and more and more
Muslims represented in more and more transnational institutions--how
safe a bet is the survival of the "modern world"?
Not good.
"What do you leave behind?" asked
Tony Blair. There will only be very few and very old ethnic Germans and
French and Italians by the midpoint of this century. What will they
leave behind? Territories that happen to bear their names and keep up
some of the old buildings? Or will the dying European races understand
that the only legacy that matters is whether the peoples who will live
in those lands after them are reconciled to pluralist, liberal
democracy? It's the demography, stupid. And, if they can't muster the
will to change course, then "What do you leave behind?" is the only
question that matters.
Mr. Steyn is a syndicated columnist and theater critic for The New Criterion, in whose January issue this article appears.
Source: The Wall Street Journal Opinion Journal
http://www.opinionjournal.com/extra/?id=110007760